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Land grabbing and disputed cattle ranch in Pau-d'Arco, Pará, Brazil


Description:

The area of Fazenda Santa Lúcia, a ranch located in the municipality of Pau d’Arco, along Brazil’s agricultural frontier in the south of the State of Pará, has been site of the Nova Vida landless peasant occupation since 2013. Claiming that the land belongs to the State and had been illegally grabbed by farmers, the landless squatters, so-called posseiros, demanded land regularization as part of Brazil’s agrarian reform program. In fact, the area had been disputed for a longer time and had been designated as a possible agrarian reform settlement since 2002; first landless occupations moreover already started in 2010, at a point when Fazenda Santa Lúcia was reportedly abandoned. [1][2][3][4]

This triggered a land dispute between posseiros and the supposed landowner, the family of cattle rancher and timber businessman Honorato Babinski, who passed away in 2013. Posseiros were linked to the Liga dos Campesinos Pobres (LCP), a poor peasant movement that politically and juridically supports landless occupations against alleged land grabbing through agribusiness elites, and moreover supported by Fetraf, an association for familiar agriculture. [1][2][5] The Babinksi family has since then aimed to regain control of the property through the contracting of private security and juridical action, resulting in eviction attempts by public authorities, displacement and new occupations by posseiros in the following. Landless peasants became repeatedly confronted and threatened by armed militia, which was illegally contracted by the landowners in order to prevent new occupations. Also the owners received death threats, and, in one incident, became detained in a car by unknowns. [1][3][4] In 2015, Brazil’s agrarian reform institute INCRA tried to buy the land in order to establish agrarian settlements for 87 landless peasant families, but the owners rejected the deal – officially due to complications in the administrative procedures, which led to a further intensification of the dispute. [1][5] However, the smoldering conflict was never addressed by public authorities. Moreover, the agrarian court authorized the local police to conduct evictions, despite their close ties to powerful farmers and a juridical order that only allowed evictions conducted by the national police. [3]

The conflict violently escalated in the beginning of 2017, when landless squatters were arrested in an enforced eviction and, shortly after, a security guard of the farm became killed in a confrontation. [1][3][6] Consequently, Fetraf publicly declared to not longer support the land regularization process, which caused indignation among the landless movement. [7][8] In May 2017, a group of 25 landless peasants returned to a temporary occupation camp in proximity to the Santa Lúcia farmhouse. The day after, ten members of the occupation were killed by civil and military policemen, who had supposedly entered the area to arrest suspects of the previous killing. The victims were nine men as well as Jane Júlia de Oliveira, occupation leader and president of the local rural workers association. Other occupation members managed to escape to the woods and survived with injuries. [1][9][10][11] A month later, also occupation leader Rosenildo Almeida became assassinated by unknown people in the town of Rio Maria, despite being under a witness protection program after having received and denounced multiple death threats and becoming publicly listed as ‘marked to die’ along with three other occupation members. [8][9]

More than two years later, the killings remain unsolved and unpunished. 17 policemen faced criminal accusations for the events of the Santa Lúcia ranch and, at the request of the prosecutor of the Public Ministry, became arrested in order to safeguard the investigations and protect witnesses. 15 of them remained detained for the entire process instruction and became released in June 2018, after a series of back and forth at the court. In the following, the process entered the stage of filing the defense and prosecution appeals at the tribunal. [12][13] Investigations however revealed a number of contradictions in the official story of the police – that they arrived to arrest criminals but were received by open fire – and instead confirmed signs that pointed to a commanded crime in execution-style and torture. Bullets were apparently not fired during a confrontation and there seem to have been attempts by the police to obscure the progression of events, including the moving of dead bodies, to make the killings appear to have taken place during a confrontation. While most suspects did not speak, two policemen revealed to the Public Ministry that there was pressure within the police to present a coherent story and force those arriving in a second group, including an observer of DECA (the agrarian conflict delegation), to participate in the execution, killing four more people that had been left injured. According to surviving posseiros, also armed private security guards of the farm were irregularly part of the police operation, which was denied by the Babinski family, who publicly expressed their sorrow about the killings but also their fear of becoming the next target of violence. Although the federal police says that investigations were still ongoing, the principals of the killings have still not been identified. [5][9][10][12][13] Besides the accused 17 civil and military police officers, twelve search and seizure warrants for further suspects were issued. At the end of 2017, videos of two police testimonies who confessed to have shot already surrendered posseiros were leaked. [14][15] A human rights lawyer, working on the Pau d’Arco case in conjunction with the CPT, appeared in these videos and has since then received multiple death threats, which further escalated prior to the trial hearings in 2018. [14]

The massacre was publicly condemned by numerous civil society organizations, who in the following also raised critique of the criminal trial, the lack of justice, and the general response of the state. One the one hand, human and land rights organizations, including Amnesty International, raised criticism and mistrust against the police, who was accused of prevaricating the events and hampering the investigations. This does however not necessarily reflect in the wider public as, despite such criticism and the sensation of impunity, there were even street acts in support of police and farmers after the killings in Fazenda Santa Lúcia. On the other hand, several NGOs pointed to an apparent omission of the state as survivors and relatives of victims have not received indemnities, the witness protection program and public assistance were mostly insufficient and rather restrictive, and the land regularization process remained paralyzed while public land and its institutions have been increasingly dismantled (see below). [1][2][5][9][10][12][15][16][17] Landless movements such as the LCP moreover openly blamed public authorities for a planned attack against them and suspected land owners of the region to have ordered the killings in an attempt to intimidate posseiros. They moreover clarified that, contrary to official statements, occupation members had been unarmed and did not confront the police in the forefront of the massacre. [6][8][12]

Weeks after the killings, most members of the previous occupation, including 15 survivors of the massacre, and other landless peasants and workers linked to LCP returned to Fazenda Santa Lúcia and reestablished the camp which became named “Acampamento Jane Júlia”. Social mobilization for agrarian reform and justice continued in the following as posseiros of Pau d’Arco held public events and street demonstrations. At the end of 2017, Pau d’Arco was site of a regional encounter that united landless and agrarian revolution movements with other social, indigenous and quilombola movements in the common struggle for land and social rights. As of 2019, over 200 families were part of the occupation and continue to demand their right to use public land, in spite of the ongoing risk of eviction. They mostly stem from the region and aim to make a living from small-scale production, which includes cattle farming and the pantation of corn, bean, and pumpkin. Besides the uncertainty about the progress of land regularization, the group also continues to live in fear and has been confronted with new death threats. [2][4][6][8][10][12][18]

Concerning the juridical land dispute, there seem to be several parallel processes going on. On the one hand, as of 2019, the procedure to clarify land tenure, initiated in 2013, was still pending at the local agrarian court and studies have came up with contradicting claims. Pro-agrarian reform movements and organizations keep arguing that the area is public land and was grabbed illegally in the past. CPT, for instance, states that Fazenda Santa Lúcia had possibly been superimposed to the nearby settlement area of Projeto de Assentamento Nicolina Rivetti and argues that before the ownership question is not solved, no eviction can be authorized. [12] On the other hand, INCRA has made new efforts to buy the land after the massacre, but payments – of the same sum initially offered to the landholders, who in 2018 finally accepted the deal – were not made until the end of the Temer government. Later, under Bolsonaro, all processes of agrarian reform became practically paralyzed. INCRA in 2019 stated to not have sufficient budget to buy the land, which induced the landholders to reinvigorate legal measures to re-establish land ownership. [2][12][15][16] Thus, as of 2019, the area of Fazenda Santa Lúcia was one of seventeen disputed areas in the south of Pará facing the imminent risk of eviction. However, in June 2019, a public hearing at the local agrarian court, attended by 300 people linked to the occupation, resulted in the temporary suspension of the planned eviction of the Fazenda Santa Lúcia occupation, and plans by INCRA to raise additional funds for the payment from the federal government. [2][16] Mobilization of the peasant community included street blockades in Pau d'Arco. [25]  The Public Ministry of Pará was opposed to an eviction due to the planned public purchase of the land, but as of the end of 2019, there was still no solution for agrarian reform in sight as the government continued to claim that there are no financial resources. After another public audience attended by 180 affected posseiros, the eviction of the occupation was announced for January 2020, ignoring the recommended measures of a 2018 resolution of the National Council for Human Rights. [7][11][15]

Update: In January 2020, the planned eviction was again suspended by the court due to the lack of a required resettlement plan for the affected families, and because a part of the eviction area was found to be possibly within the bordering Magdalena Nicolina Rivetti agrarian settlement, which belongs to the neighboring municipality Redenção. In a following public audience, attended by  dozens of community members, the conditions of the eviction and possible resettlement scenarios were discussed. [23][24][25]

The conflict of the Santa Lúcia occupation has been considered emblematic for the increase in violence against the landless movement in a context of an unsolved agrarian question and public policies that particularly disfavor rural and landless workers. In fact, despite the numerous and often violent land disputes  across Brazil and especially in the southeast of Pará, which is marked by expanding large-scale agriculture, and in particular cattle ranching, agrarian reform has been off all government agendas for a long time. The occasional creation of agrarian settlements became merely a reaction to ongoing landless peasant struggles but remains in contradiction to the politico-economic prioritization of an agribusiness model based on large land ownership. [3][19]

Most notably, INCRA is increasingly loosing its capacities to realize new expropriations for agrarian reform settlements, and together with other law enforcement bodies such as IBAMA (environmental agency) and FUNAI (indigenous affairs) has been facing drastic budget cuts. [3][20] In 2016, the Agrarian Ombudsman – responsible for the mediation of rural conflicts – became extincted and human rights and rural development dismantled, which was considered to have increased rural violence in the following. [3][9][21] Government bills such as MP 759, signed by the Temer government in 2017, open new legal loopholes for large landholders (so-called latifundiários) to obtain land titles for illegally grabbed and cleared public land, additionally increasing the maximum amount of individual land possession from 1,500 to 2,500 hectares. That, altogether, has been regarded as a de facto amnesty for land grabbing and deforestation in the Amazon and a further incentive for rural violence. [3][20]

Pará, in addition, historically shows the highest record of falsified land titles and irregular grabbing of public land (so-called grilagem), often through powerful networks of farmers backed by politicians, leading to widespread uncertainty and conflict over land ownership. [5][16] In addition, especially southeastern Pará accounts for the highest concentration of rural assassinations in Brazil and a widespread sensation of impunity. Out of a total of 914 killings of rural workers and peasants in the region between 1964 and 2010, only 15 cases went to trial, according to CPT and researcher Airton dos Reis Pereira. [19][22] A rise in violence against landless peasants was especially noted in the years 2016 and 2017, which showed a significant increase in death threats, tentative homicides and arrests along with an increasing criminalization and intimidation of social movements linked to land occupations. [3][21]

Basic Data

Name of conflict:Land grabbing and disputed cattle ranch in Pau-d'Arco, Pará, Brazil
Country:Brazil
State or province:Pará
Location of conflict:Fazenda Santa Lúcia - Pau-d'Arco
Accuracy of locationHIGH (Local level)

Source of Conflict

Type of conflict. 1st level:Biomass and Land Conflicts (Forests, Agriculture, Fisheries and Livestock Management)
Type of conflict. 2nd level:Intensive food production (monoculture and livestock)
Land acquisition conflicts
Deforestation
Specific commodities:Land
Meat
Soybeans

Project Details and Actors

Project details

Fazenda Santa Lúcia 1 spreads over an area of almost 6 thousand hectares in the rural part of Pau d’Arco, in the conflictual south of Pará. It officially belongs to the Babinski family, who has timber and cattle ranching businesses in the region. They first rejected an offer by INCRA to sell the land for R$ 21.9 million, but then accepted the deal in 2018, at a point when INCRA had no more budget to finance the purchase. [1][15]

Initially named Acampamento Nova Vida, the occupation became renamed as Acampamento Jane Júlia and counted 200 landless peasant families. [11][18]

Project area:5,694 ha
Type of populationRural
Affected Population:200 families
Start of the conflict:2010
Relevant government actors:Governments of Brazil and Pará
Vara Agrária de Redenção
Superior Tribunal de Justiça do Pará
Federal Police
Public Ministry
DECA (Delegacia de Conflitos Agrários)
INCRA (Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária)
Ouvidoria Agrária Nacional (OAN, Agrarian Ombudsman)
Instituto de Terras do Pará (Iterpa)
Environmental justice organizations (and other supporters) and their websites, if available:Associação dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais Nova Vitória do Acampamento Jane Júlia
Comitê de Defesa das Vítimas de Pau D’Arco (CODEVIPA)
Associação Brasileira dos Advogados do Povo (ABRAPO)
Centro Brasileiro de Solidariedade aos Povos (CEBRASPO)
Associação dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras Rurais de Pau D’Arco
Liga dos Campeoneses Pobres (LCP)
Federação Nacional dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura Familiar (Fetraf)
Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT)
Amnesty International
Justiça Global
Terra de Direitos
Front Line Defenders
National Council of Human Rights (CNDH, Conselho Nacional de Direitos Humanos)
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)

Conflict & Mobilization

IntensityHIGH (widespread, mass mobilization, violence, arrests, etc...)
Reaction stageIn REACTION to the implementation (during construction or operation)
Groups mobilizing:International ejos
Local ejos
Landless peasants
Local government/political parties
Pastoralists
Social movements
Trade unions
Local scientists/professionals
Forms of mobilization:Blockades
Creation of alternative reports/knowledge
Development of a network/collective action
Involvement of national and international NGOs
Land occupation
Lawsuits, court cases, judicial activism
Media based activism/alternative media
Official complaint letters and petitions
Public campaigns
Street protest/marches
Property damage/arson
Threats to use arms

Impacts

Environmental ImpactsPotential: Biodiversity loss (wildlife, agro-diversity), Desertification/Drought, Global warming, Loss of landscape/aesthetic degradation, Soil erosion, Deforestation and loss of vegetation cover, Reduced ecological / hydrological connectivity
Health ImpactsVisible: Mental problems including stress, depression and suicide, Violence related health impacts (homicides, rape, etc..)
Potential: Accidents, Malnutrition
Socio-economical ImpactsVisible: Increase in Corruption/Co-optation of different actors, Displacement, Increase in violence and crime, Loss of livelihood, Militarization and increased police presence, Violations of human rights, Land dispossession
Potential: Social problems (alcoholism, prostitution, etc..), Specific impacts on women, Loss of landscape/sense of place

Outcome

Project StatusIn operation
Conflict outcome / response:Application of existing regulations
Corruption
Court decision (failure for environmental justice)
New legislation
Criminalization of activists
Repression
Deaths, Assassinations, Murders
Under negotiation
Institutional changes
Violent targeting of activists
Migration/displacement
Eviction of land occupation
Development of alternatives:Landless movements demand the contested land to be used for agrarian reform in order to permit peasants to make a living from small-scale production.
Do you consider this an environmental justice success? Was environmental justice served?:No
Briefly explain:Pau d’Arco was the most fatal massacre in the Brazilian countryside since the Eldorado dos Carajás massacre in 1996, when 19 landless peasants were assassinated in the same region. [1] Posseiros of the Santa Lúcia occupation continue to struggle for the regularization of land, which was assumingly grabbed by local agribusiness elites. They hence continue to face uncertainty and imminent violence and displacement. The increase in violence was attributed, on the one hand, to the ongoing inefficiency of the State of Brazil and Pará to investigate and solve crimes against landless peasants, and on the other hand to the persisting structural inequality and new institutional incentives for large-scale agricultural expansion, particularly disfavoring familiar agriculture as well as social and land rights. [2] [21]

Sources & Materials

References to published books, academic articles, movies or published documentaries

[22] Pereira, A. (2013): A luta pela terra no sul e sudeste do Pará. Migrações, conflitos e violência no campo. Recife, UFPE. (see p. 129sq. for overview over the levels of impunity in 914 killings between 1964 and 2010)

Pereira, A. (2013): A luta pela terra no sul e sudeste do Pará. Migrações, conflitos e violência no campo. Recife, UFPE. (see p. 129sq. for overview over the levels of impunity in 914 killings between 1964 and 2010)

Links to general newspaper articles, blogs or other websites

[1] Brasil, K. (2017): Chacina em Pau D´Arco: dona da fazenda Santa Lúcia fala sobre conflito agrário no Pará. Amazônia Real, 05.06.2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://amazoniareal.com.br/chacina-em-pau-darco-dona-da-fazenda-santa-lucia-fala-sobre-conflito-agrario-no-para/

[10] Dolce, J. (2019): Seis meses após massacre de Pau D’Arco, famílias sofrem com abandono do Estado. Brasil de Fato, 14.11.2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2017/11/24/seis-meses-apos-massacre-de-pau-darco-familias-sofrem-com-abandono-do-estado/

[11] CPT (2019): Audiência debaterá despejo das famílias do Acampamento Jane Júlia, palco do Massacre de Pau D’Arco (PA). 22.10.2019. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://www.cptnacional.org.br/publicacoes/noticias/conflitos-no-campo/4966-audiencia-debatera-despejo-das-familias-do-acampamento-jane-julia-palco-do-massacre-de-pau-d-arco-pa

[12] Barros, C. (2019): Dois anos do massacre de Pau D’Arco: mandantes ainda impunes e ameaça de despejo. A Publica, 24.05.2019. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://apublica.org/2019/05/dois-anos-do-massacre-de-pau-darco-mandantes-ainda-impunes-e-ameaca-de-despejo/

[3] Pereira, A., Michelotti, F., Afonso, J. (2017): Sudeste paraense e o paroxismo da violência no campo. 09.08.2017. Teoria e Debate, Edição 163. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://teoriaedebate.org.br/2017/08/09/sudeste-paraense-e-o-paroxismo-da-violencia-no-campo/

[5] Sarraf, M. (2018): Polícia Federal no Pará apura suspeita de crime de mando na chacina de Pau D´Arco. Amazônia Real, 12.04.2018. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://amazoniareal.com.br/policia-federal-no-para-apura-suspeita-de-crime-de-mando-na-chacina-de-pau-darco/

[6] A Nova Democracia (2017): PA: Laudos comprovam execução em Pau D’Arco. Ano XVI, 2a quinzena de setembro de 2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://anovademocracia.com.br/no-196/7468-pa-laudos-comprovam-execucao-em-pau-d-arco

[7] CPT (2019): Mantido o despejo das famílias da Fazenda Santa Lúcia, palco do Massacre de Pau D’Arco (PA). 24.10.2019. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://www.cptnacional.org.br/publicacoes/noticias/conflitos-no-campo/4971-mantido-o-despejo-das-familias-da-fazenda-santa-lucia-palco-do-massacre-de-pau-d-arco-pa

[8] Alves, V. (2017): PA: ‘Assassinatos não vão parar a luta pela terra!’. A Nova Democracia, Ano XVI, nº 192 - 2ª quinzena de Julho de 2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://anovademocracia.com.br/no-192/7145-pa-assassinatos-nao-vao-parar-a-luta-pela-terra

[9] Front Line Defenders (2017): Land Rights Defender Rosenildo Pereira de Almeida Killed. 11.07.2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/land-rights-defender-rosenildo-pereira-de-almeida-killed

[14] Front Line Defenders (2018): Escalating threats against lawyer Rivelino Zarpellon in the state of Pará. 17.05.2018. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/escalating-threats-against-lawyer-rivelino-zarpellon-state-para

[15] Globo G1 (2018): Posseiros voltam a ocupar fazenda Santa Lúcia após um ano da chacina de Pau D’arco. 24.05.2018. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://g1.globo.com/pa/para/noticia/posseiros-voltam-a-ocupar-fazenda-santa-lucia-apos-um-ano-da-chacina-de-pau-darco.ghtml

[21] Aurújo, J., Cardoso, W. (2017): Os conflitos de terra e suas ressonâncias no estado do Pará. Teoria e Debate, Edição 163. 09.08.2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://teoriaedebate.org.br/2017/08/09/os-conflitos-de-terra-e-suas-ressonancias-no-estado-do-para/

[3] Pereira, A., Michelotti, F., Afonso, J. (2017): Sudeste paraense e o paroxismo da violência no campo. 09.08.2017. Teoria e Debate, Edição 163. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://teoriaedebate.org.br/2017/08/09/sudeste-paraense-e-o-paroxismo-da-violencia-no-campo/

[4] Fiocruz Mapa de Conflitos (2018): PA – Um ano após Chacina de Pau D’Arco, famílias das vítimas seguem sem indenização do Estado e mandantes do crime seguem impunes e sem identificação. 08.08.2018. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
http://mapadeconflitos.ensp.fiocruz.br/?conflito=pa-um-ano-apos-chacina-de-pau-darco-familias-das-vitimas-seguem-sem-indenizacao-do-estado-e-mandantes-do-crime-seguem-impunes-e-sem-identificacao

[8] Alves, V. (2017): PA: ‘Assassinatos não vão parar a luta pela terra!’. A Nova Democracia, Ano XVI, nº 192 - 2ª quinzena de Julho de 2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://anovademocracia.com.br/no-192/7145-pa-assassinatos-nao-vao-parar-a-luta-pela-terra

[9] Front Line Defenders (2017): Land Rights Defender Rosenildo Pereira de Almeida Killed. 11.07.2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/land-rights-defender-rosenildo-pereira-de-almeida-killed

[10] Dolce, J. (2019): Seis meses após massacre de Pau D’Arco, famílias sofrem com abandono do Estado. Brasil de Fato, 14.11.2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2017/11/24/seis-meses-apos-massacre-de-pau-darco-familias-sofrem-com-abandono-do-estado/

[19] Silva, J.; Barros, C. (2016): A terra das mortes sob encomenda. A Publica, 17.10.2016. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://apublica.org/2016/10/a-terra-das-mortes-sob-encomenda/

[20] Branford, S.; Torres, M. (2017): Temer signs law that could see millions of acres lost in the Amazon. Mongabay, 13.07.2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://news.mongabay.com/2017/07/temer-signs-law-that-could-see-millions-of-acres-lost-in-the-amazon/

[7] CPT (2019): Mantido o despejo das famílias da Fazenda Santa Lúcia, palco do Massacre de Pau D’Arco (PA). 24.10.2019. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://www.cptnacional.org.br/publicacoes/noticias/conflitos-no-campo/4971-mantido-o-despejo-das-familias-da-fazenda-santa-lucia-palco-do-massacre-de-pau-d-arco-pa

[17] Globo G1 (2017): Testemunhas de chacina em Pau D'Arco dizem que operação policial teve participação de seguranças. Globo G1, 15.06.2017. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
https://g1.globo.com/pa/para/noticia/testemunhas-de-chacina-em-pau-darco-dizem-que-operacao-policial-teve-participacao-de-segurancas.ghtml

[22] Barbosa, C. (2020): Justiça suspende despejo na Fazenda Santa Lúcia, palco do Massacre de Pau D'Arco (PA). Brasil de Fato, 27.01.2020.
https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2020/01/27/justica-suspende-despejo-na-fazenda-santa-lucia-palco-do-massacre-de-pau-darco-pa

[23] Barbosa, C. (2020): Justiça suspende despejo na Fazenda Santa Lúcia, palco do Massacre de Pau D'Arco (PA). Brasil de Fato, 27.01.2020. [Online, last accessed 10.03.2020]
https://www.brasildefato.com.br/2020/01/27/justica-suspende-despejo-na-fazenda-santa-lucia-palco-do-massacre-de-pau-darco-pa

[25] Souza, T. (2020): Pau D'arco: Camponeses lutam contra despejo promovido pelo velho Estado. A Nova Democracia, 11.02.2020. [Online, last accessed: 10.03.2020]
https://anovademocracia.com.br/noticias/12908-pau-d-arco-camponeses-sao-ameacados-de-despejo-por-velho-estado

[4] Fiocruz Mapa de Conflitos (2018): PA – Um ano após Chacina de Pau D’Arco, famílias das vítimas seguem sem indenização do Estado e mandantes do crime seguem impunes e sem identificação. 08.08.2018. (Online, last accessed: 30.12.2019)
http://mapadeconflitos.ensp.fiocruz.br/?conflito=pa-um-ano-apos-chacina-de-pau-darco-familias-das-vitimas-seguem-sem-indenizacao-do-estado-e-mandantes-do-crime-seguem-impunes-e-sem-identificacao

Related media links to videos, campaigns, social network

Jornal A Nova Democracia (2017): Terra e Sangue: Bastidores do Massacre em Pau D'Arco.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sBN7xt6ags0

SBT PARÁ (27.09.17) Chacina em Pau D’Arco: Quinze policiais presos pelas mortes de 10 posseiros
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QZw6yk5MAvo

Meta information

Contributor:EnvJustice Project (MS)
Last update12/03/2020

Images

 

Occupied land of Fazenda Santa Lúcia

(Globo G1)

A public audience before the imminent eviction of the landless occupation in 2018

(A Nova Democracia)

300 members of the Santa Lúcia occupation protesting in Redenção against a planned eviction (2019)

(Conexao Pará)

Television report about the imminent eviction of the Santa Lúcia occupation in 2019

(G1)

LCP demanding justice in a demonstration in Redenção, one month after the assassination of ten landless peasants

(A Nova Democracia)

Occupied land of Fazenda Santa Lúcia

(Globo G1)

A public audience before the imminent eviction of the landless occupation in 2018

(A Nova Democracia)

300 members of the Santa Lúcia occupation protesting in Redenção against a planned eviction (2019)

(Conexao Pará)

Television report about the imminent eviction of the Santa Lúcia occupation in 2019

(G1)

LCP demanding justice in a demonstration in Redenção, one month after the assassination of ten landless peasants

(A Nova Democracia)